PRESENTATION OF THE WORK 'IF THE LAND GRABBER COMES, STONES WILL GO' (2022), FRANCISCO OCTÁVIO BITTENCOURT DE SOUSA
This text summarizes a research on land grabbing in the Kalunga Historical Site and Cultural Heritage, located in Goiás. The author adopts an anthropological approach, describing the signs of land grabbing found, field incursions, and conducted interviews. The text seeks to contribute to the recognition of the area as a heritage of the Kalunga community. The monograph has a structure composed of an introduction, chapters on land grabbing, anthropological analysis, case study, involved characters, forms of resistance, and annexes that provide evidence of the narrated facts. The author highlights the importance of the Kalunga community, thanks the collaborators, and mentions that the monograph is also available in audio format.
The introduction chapter addresses the importance of land in the studies of peasantry and the historical struggle for land in Brazil, especially with the oppression of indigenous peoples. Fazenda Bonito, occupied by the Kalunga, is an example of an area affected by land grabbing, with over 100 quilombola families and valuable natural resources. The lack of official documentation and delays in titling the community facilitate fraud, estimating that each hectare contains 4 illegally appropriated hectares.
Chapter I defines and explores different types of land grabbing, highlighting its relationship with land concentration, economic exploitation, corruption, and complicity of public agencies. It also emphasizes the existence of networks of solidarity and bribery and the involvement of various actors in the practice of land grabbing. Since the colonial period, land grabbing has involved criminal practices and manipulation of laws. The resistance of large landowners and the absence of the State in protecting traditional populations have strengthened the practice.
In the specific case of the Kalunga, land grabbing started in 1942 and intensified with the arrival of mining companies, agricultural enterprises, and hydroelectric plants. The struggle for the protection of the territory intensified with research and actions to recognize the Kalunga lands. The process of territorial regularization had advancements and challenges, with some Kalungas preferring individual land titles while others valued collective land use.
In summary, the research on land grabbing in the Kalunga territory presents evidence and anthropological analysis of the problem. The text highlights the importance of the Kalunga community, describes the types of land grabbing, its socio-economic consequences, and the resistance of traditional populations. Land regularization is a priority for these communities, guaranteeing access to public policies and the preservation of their ways of life.
In Chapter II, the author presents a vertical analysis of land grabbing, an interdisciplinary approach that seeks to understand the process of illegal land appropriation in Brazil. The author emphasizes the importance of a multidimensional analysis of land grabbing, incorporating qualitative, quantitative, and ethnographic methods. Previous anthropological research on land grabbing is mentioned, highlighting works that indirectly addressed the issue in studies on rural workers, agrarian structure, and peasant mobilizations.
In the contemporary context, research on land grabbing has explored the advanced use of mechanisms such as the Internet and georeferencing to expand networks of solidarity and bribery. These investigations have contributed to a better understanding of land grabbing, revealing its connections to state development projects, deforestation, and land regularization.
Different approaches have been adopted to study land grabbing, including the analysis of the political and historical imaginary surrounding the phenomenon, the relationship between humans and the environment, the internal dynamics of land grabbing from a technological perspective, the confrontation between different worlds affected by land grabbing, and the analysis of non-human agents involved in the process.
Research has identified common characteristics in land grabbing schemes, such as the involvement of various actors in an extended network of solidarity and bribery, including both humans and objects and loopholes in legislation. The flexibility of land grabbing allows it to adapt to historical, political, technological, and legislative changes.
Evidence shows that members of the government are involved in land grabbing schemes, and fiscal incentives and mega-infrastructure projects contribute to the overvaluation of land and the proliferation of fraud. The Brazilian land structure has persisted over time, even under left-wing governments, and networks of solidarity and bribery continue to expand.
In Chapter III of the book, various aspects related to Fazenda Bonito are addressed, including its physical characteristics, agricultural potential, and the history of land occupation in Brazil, which may explain the occurrence of fraud in the region. The lack of definitive land titling, the existence of different forms of possession, and judicial processes are highlighted. Fraudulent schemes, such as parish records without delimited areas and irregular transfers, are described. The slowness of the government in resolving the issue and titling the quilombola community is mentioned, further facilitating more fraud. Information is also presented about the geographical location of the farm, vegetation diversity, soil characteristics, and the environmental impact of the occupation.
The text delves into the relationship of the Kalunga, a quilombola group, with the land. The land is considered sacred to them and represents their identity and culture. Kalunga women play a fundamental role in land preservation and gender equality. The Kalunga's way of life and production are based on slash-and-burn agriculture, combining ecological concerns with subsistence. The breeding of Curraleiro cattle contributes to sustainable livestock farming and the economic exploitation of natural pastures, enabling the Kalunga to remain in the rural area.
Land possession is fundamental to the Kalunga, who consider the territory sacred and necessary for their needs. The community's way of life is closely linked to the land, where they reproduce their customs, preserve their ancestry, and obtain sustenance for their families through slash-and-burn agriculture. The cultivation of crops such as rice, corn, beans, sesame, and cassava is essential for their food supply. The breeding of Curraleiro cattle allows for the economic exploitation of the cerrado's native pastures, promoting sustainable livestock farming and a sense of freedom in their relationship with the land. Land preservation and resistance against invaders are central aspects of the Kalunga's struggle for maintaining their way of life and identity.
Chapter IV of the book explores the characters involved in the issue of land grabbing in Goiás. The role of the Cavalcante registry office in the composition of fraudulent schemes and the exposure of post-federal intervention frauds is highlighted. Furthermore, other interested parties in the cases are discussed, revealing the national scope of the Bonito land grabbing problem. Parish records from the 19th century related to the origin of Bonito farm ownership are analyzed, highlighting inconsistencies and possession disputes. The actions taken by landowner Juvelan de Paula e Sousa and controversies surrounding the occupation of the area and the quilombola community are also mentioned.
In the excerpt in question, the author recounts a series of events related to the ownership of land known as "BONITO" and its supposed owner, Abraão Simão da Silva. Several irregularities and indications of land grabbing are observed, including suspicious transactions carried out by Abraão Simão da Silva after his death, the lack of records of individuals mentioned in the documents, and the involvement of third parties, such as João Batista Fernandes do Nascimento, in the land sales scheme. Additionally, there is mention of other buyers who acquired larger areas than those registered and the legal dispute between Juvelan, companies from the Dinâmica group, and the Kalunga community affected by the situation.
These events demonstrate an extensive network of corruption and fraud involving land ownership, causing harm to the rightful owners and directly affecting the Kalunga community, which is fighting for the preservation of their way of life. The fraudulent transactions and overlapping properties have become the subject of legal disputes between different parties involved, highlighting the complexity and vulnerabilities of this corrupt system. The author leaves it to the reader to judge those involved but emphasizes the importance of protecting the rights of the communities affected by this situation.
In the context of land grabbing in the Kalunga territory, the analysis reveals the significance of the Cavalcante Registry Office as a key player in the established network of solidarity and bribery. During the investigations, two relevant periods for the land conflict were identified, with the latter being the most significant. The report highlights the existence of hundreds of frauds and irregularities in the registry office, affecting other registries in neighboring municipalities. The land situation in the Kalunga territory was known to the government, but land regularization was stagnant due to document confusion. Luslene Veloso, an official in the registry office, played a crucial role in identifying the frauds, particularly those related to the Bonito farm, facing pressures and attempted bribes. She discovered that Bonito was part of the Kalunga territory under expropriation process, involving millions of reais in compensations. In 2014, Luslene sent a request for action to the court, seeking the suspension of registrations and annotations, and a month later, the titles related to Bonito were blocked by substitute judge Priscila Lopes da Silveira. However, the process ended up disappearing, generating uncertainties and contributing to the continuation of land grabbing.
Land grabbing in the Kalunga territory involved the Cavalcante Registry Office as a key player in the network of solidarity and bribery. During the investigations, two significant periods were identified, with the latter being the most relevant. The registry office was marked by frauds and irregularities, affecting other registries in the region. Luslene Veloso, an official in the registry office, played an essential role in uncovering the frauds, especially those related to the Bonito farm. She faced pressures and attempted bribes and discovered that Bonito was part of the Kalunga territory under expropriation process. In 2014, Luslene sent a request for action to the court, resulting in the blocking of the titles related to Bonito. However, the process ended up disappearing, generating uncertainties and contributing to the continuation of land grabbing in the area.
In Chapter V, titled "Se o grileiro vem, pedra vai" ("If the land grabber comes, the stone will go"), the author concludes the analysis of the Bonito Farm case, highlighting the presence of networks of solidarity and bribery in the space and people's lives, as well as the influence of the state in land grabbing. The author emphasizes the inaction of the state in combating land grabbing, pointing to the possibility of incompetence or complicity. The chapter ends with the reflection that land grabbing is a tool for land appropriation and integration into the capitalist system.
In the epilogue titled "Vivos apesar do Estado" ("Alive Despite the State"), the author recounts their experience in informally presenting their monograph, seeking to ensure understanding of the text by the studied community and inviting experts to discuss technical issues and hear the perspective of the Kalunga people. The author highlights the importance of conveying the message in an accessible manner and the need to advance in terms of anti-racism in scientific research. The epilogue also mentions that the author sought to listen to people with scientific knowledge and empirical experience of the issues addressed.
The book "Se o grileiro vem, pedra vai" addresses the issue of land grabbing in the Kalunga territory, in Goiás, and conveys several key messages, including:
1. Land conflict and social injustice: The book exposes the reality of land grabbing in the Kalunga territory, highlighting the consequences of this conflict for the local community. It shows how the illegal appropriation of land undermines the rights of quilombola communities and perpetuates social inequality.
2. Corruption and impunity: The author reveals the existence of a network of corruption and impunity involving registries, public officials, and other actors that facilitate land fraud and grabbing. This impunity contributes to the perpetuation of the problem and the denial of the rights of traditional communities.
3. Resistance and fight for land: The book highlights the resistance of the Kalunga community in the face of encroachment by land grabbers. It shows how the Kalungas strive to preserve their way of life, culture, and land rights, even in the face of adversity and threats.
4. Importance of land titling: The author emphasizes the importance of land titling for traditional communities like the Kalungas as a means to secure their rights and preserve their cultural identity. The absence of proper land titles contributes to the vulnerability of these communities in the face of land grabbers.
5. State responsibility: The book questions the responsibility of the State in protecting the rights of traditional communities and resolving the issue of land grabbing. It highlights the State's inaction, whether due to incompetence or complicity, as a factor that perpetuates injustice and inequality.
These are some of the main messages conveyed by the book "Se o grileiro vem, pedra vai". The work sheds light on the reality of land grabbing in Brazil and its consequences for traditional communities, emphasizing the need to address this problem and safeguard the rights of affected populations.
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